More broadly, national counter-terrorism strategies remain heavily securitised, with little input or participation from civilians or non-military sectors. This means there is not enough attention paid to the underlying social, political and economic issues—such as relative deprivation, community grievances or lack of government services—that of

These security efforts have been complemented by targeted socio-economic investments in affected regions. Togo introduced an Emergency Programme for the Savanes Region (PURS) in 2022 to address structural underinvestment. Ivory Coast has rolled out a series of initiatives under the government’s social plans (PSGouv 1 and 2), focusing on infrastru

October this year. President Alassane Ouattara might seek a controversial fourth term, and the authorities have barred several major opposition leaders—including the candidate of the main opposition party Tidjane Thiam, former president Laurent Gbagbo and former premier Guillaume Soro—from running in the election, raising concerns about fairnes

Togo, the second most affected country in the sub-region, has seen a sharp rise in attacks against both its armed forces and civilian population since the first recorded incident in May 2022. Within two years, the number of incidents had risen to 23, according to ACLED. Despite the escalation, the number of violent incidents remains relatively low,

Benin is the most exposed coastal state to jihadist violence, described by several experts as the region’s “soft underbelly” (ventre mou). The threat first became apparent in 2019, when two tourists were kidnapped and their local guide killed in Pendjari National Park. Since 2021, attacks have intensified, with ACLED recording 155 in 2024, ta